Climate Change in the American Mind: Politics and Policy, Spring 2026

Report Summary

This report is based on findings from a nationally representative survey – Climate Change in the American Mind – conducted jointly by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and the George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication. Interview dates: April 17-26, 2026. Interviews: 1,068 adults (18+), 930 of whom are registered to vote. Average margin of error for registered voters: +/- 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.

 

Climate Change in the American Mind is conducted jointly by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and the George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication.

Principal Investigators:

Anthony Leiserowitz, PhD
Yale Program on Climate Change Communication

John Kotcher, PhD
George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication

Seth Rosenthal, PhD
Yale Program on Climate Change Communication

Edward Maibach, MPH, PhD
George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication

For all media and other inquiries, please email:

George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication: Cat Kutz (ckutz@gmu.edu)

Yale Program on Climate Change Communication: Emily Richards (e.richards@yale.edu) and Michaela Hobbs (michaela.hobbs@yale.edu)

Executive Summary

Drawing on a representative sample of the U.S. adult population (n = 1,060; including the 930 registered voters whose data are used in this report), these findings describe how registered voters view a variety of domestic climate and energy policies. The survey was fielded from April 17–26, 2026.

This executive summary presents the results for all registered voters, while the main text of the report also breaks the results down by political party and ideology.

Global Warming as a Voting Issue

• 58% of registered voters would prefer to vote for a candidate for public office who supports action on global warming, while 14% would prefer to vote for a candidate who opposes action.
• 42% say they would like to hear from political candidates about efforts to reduce global warming more often, while 23% would like to hear about this less often.
• 31% say they will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports increasing the use of renewable energy, while 7% will only vote for a candidate who supports decreasing the use of renewable energy.
• 25% say they will only vote for a candidate who supports decreasing the use of fossil fuels, while 14% will only vote for a candidate who supports increasing the use of fossil fuels.

Global Warming and Clean Energy as Government Priorities

• 49% of registered voters think global warming should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress.
• 58% of registered voters think developing sources of clean energy should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress.

Support for Climate Policies

• 88% support federal funding to help farmers improve practices to protect and restore the soil so it absorbs and stores more carbon.
• 78% support funding more research into renewable energy sources.
• 77% support regulating carbon dioxide as a pollutant.
• 65% support transitioning the U.S. economy from fossil fuels to 100% clean energy by 2050.

Energy Production

• 72% of registered voters support generating renewable energy on public land in the U.S.
• 53% support expanding offshore drilling for oil and natural gas off the U.S. coast.
• 46% support drilling and mining fossil fuels on public land in the U.S.
• 31% support drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

Federal Climate Response, Research, and Information

• 91% of registered voters think funding for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) should either be increased (49%) or kept about the same as now (42%).
• 77% of registered voters oppose ordering all federal agencies (such as NASA, NOAA, and the EPA) to stop doing research on global warming.
• 77% of registered voters oppose ordering all federal agencies to stop providing information about global warming to the public.

Protecting People from Environmental Harms

• 92% of registered voters support requiring companies to protect workers from dangerous levels of heat.
• 78% support strengthening enforcement of industrial pollution limits in low-income communities and communities of color that are disproportionately impacted by air and water pollution.
• 77% support preventing utilities from shutting off the electricity or gas of customers who are late paying their bills during periods of extreme cold or heat.

State and Local Climate-Related Policies

• 89% of registered voters support state laws allowing residents to install small plug-in solar panels that directly generate electricity for their home.
• 65% support requiring electric utilities in their states to produce 100% of their electricity from clean, renewable sources by 2050.
• 63% support allowing states to set higher fuel efficiency standards than the federal government for new cars and trucks.
• 51% support their city, town, or county government declaring global warming a local emergency.
• 51% support their governor declaring global warming a statewide emergency.

Local Energy Infrastructure

Many registered voters support building energy infrastructure in their local area:

• Solar farms (56%)
• Community solar (53%)
• Wind farms (50%)
• High-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy (50%)
• Electric vehicle charging stations (49%)
• Nuclear power plants (36%)
• Oil and gas pipelines (35%)
• Large-scale battery facilities for the power grid (30%)

Global Warming and the Cost of Living

• 67% of registered voters think global warming is affecting the cost of living in the United States.
• 64% think global warming is affecting their own cost of living.
• Registered voters say global warming is causing costs they pay for the following to increase: home utility bills (66%), groceries (61%), owning and operating a car/truck (56%), home insurance (51%), home repair and maintenance (43%), and health care (35%).

Transitioning from Fossil Fuels to Clean Energy

• 68% of registered voters say the U.S. should use more renewable energy than it does today, and 56% say the U.S. should use less fossil fuels than it does today.
• 56% say improving people’s health, reducing air pollution, and/or providing a better life for our children and grandchildren are important reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy.
• When asked to choose their single most important reason to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy, registered voters were most likely to say reducing global warming (13%), followed by providing a better life for our children and grandchildren (11%), getting energy from sources that will never run out (7%), and protecting God’s creation (7%).
• 58% think policies intended to transition away from fossil fuels and toward clean energy will either make electricity less expensive (33%) or have no impact on the price of electricity (24%).

Gas Prices and Electric Vehicles

• 78% of registered voters say they are worried about the current price of gasoline.
• 84% say the current price of gasoline is affecting their family’s budget.
• 42% say President Trump and his administration are most responsible for the recent increase in gas prices.
• 33% say they are likely to consider an electric vehicle (EV) the next time they buy or lease a car or truck.

Data Centers

• 58% of registered voters oppose building data centers in their local area.
• 60% think that if a data center opened in their local area, their electricity bills would increase.
• 74% support a proposal requiring new data centers to offset their electricity use by installing rooftop solar on, and weatherizing, local homes.

Who Should Act?

• Half or more registered voters say the following should do more to address global warming: Corporations and industry (66%), the U.S. Congress (61%), President Trump (61%), the Republican Party (60%), citizens themselves (56%), the Democratic Party (55%), local government officials (55%), their governor (53%), and the media (51%). Forty-two percent say they should do more themselves.
• 59% support making fossil fuel companies pay for a portion of the damage to local communities caused by global warming.

Political Advocacy

• 2% of registered voters say they are currently participating in a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming. Additionally, 10% say they would “definitely” join such a campaign, and 19% would “probably” join one.
• 51% say they would sign a petition about global warming if asked. Additionally, 38% would attend a local neighborhood meeting, 34% would attend a local government meeting, 33% would donate money, 31% would volunteer their time, 31% would contact government officials, and 29% would meet with an elected official or their staff.
• 28% say they would support an organization engaging in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse, 18% say they would personally engage in non-violent civil disobedience, and 5% say they would be willing to get arrested as part of such an action.
• 10% have contacted government officials in the past year to urge them to take action to reduce global warming.

Efficacy

• 46% of registered voters are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what their local government does about global warming, 44% are confident they can affect what their state government does, 37% are confident they can affect what the federal government does, and 36% are confident they can affect what corporations do about global warming.
• 45% are at least “moderately confident” that state and local government policies can help limit global warming.

Information About Global Warming

• Majorities of registered voters trust the following as sources of information about global warming:
  • Climate scientists (71%)
  • Family and friends (69%)
  • Their primary care doctor (65%)
  • Television weather reporters (63%)
  • Local news organizations (54%)
  • Fewer trust national news organizations (46%), artificial intelligence (AI) chatbots (24%), or social media posts (18%).
• Registered voters are interested in news stories related to global warming, including how global warming is affecting the cost of living (56%), actions being taken that make global warming worse (54%), actions that are being taken by businesses in response to global warming (53%), actions being taken by the U.S. government in response to global warming (53%), the impacts of global warming on their local community (51%), actions being taken in their local community in response to global warming (50%), impacts of global warming around the world (50%), actions being taken by foreign governments in response to global warming (49%), impacts of global warming elsewhere in the U.S. (49%), the causes of global warming (49%), actions being taken to oppose solutions to global warming (48%), and whether global warming is or is not happening (38%).

1. Global Warming as a Voting Issue

1.1 Most registered voters prefer to vote for a candidate who supports action on global warming.

If given a choice, a majority of registered voters (58%) prefer to vote for a candidate for public office who supports action on global warming, while only 14% prefer to vote for a candidate who opposes action, and 28% say it doesn’t matter either way.

Nearly all liberal Democrats (92%) and a large majority of moderate/conservative Democrats (83%) prefer to vote for a candidate who supports action on global warming. Many liberal/moderate Republicans (40%) also prefer to vote for a candidate who supports action on global warming, while 48% say it doesn’t matter either way. Additionally, although 36% of conservative Republicans prefer to vote for a candidate who opposes action on global warming and 45% say it doesn’t matter either way, 18% prefer to vote for a candidate who supports action.

1.2 Many registered voters want to hear more often from political candidates about efforts to reduce global warming.

About four in ten registered voters (42%) say they would like to hear “much more” or “somewhat more” often from political candidates about efforts to reduce global warming, while 23% say they would like to hear about it “much less” or “somewhat less” often. Additionally, 18% say they would like to hear about efforts to reduce global warming “about the same as [they] do now” and 16% say it doesn’t matter.

A large majority of liberal Democrats (76%) and most moderate/conservative Democrats (62%) say they would like to hear more often from political candidates about efforts to reduce global warming, while few say they would like to hear about it less often (4% and 7% respectively). Conversely, 27% of liberal/moderate Republicans would like to hear less often from political candidates about efforts to reduce global warming, compared with 19% who would like to hear about them more often. Finally, half of conservative Republicans want to hear less often from candidates about these efforts (50%), while fewer want to hear about them more often (11%).

1.3 Many registered voters will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports increasing renewable energy use and/or decreasing fossil fuel use.

More than four times as many registered voters say they will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports increasing the use of renewable energy (31%) rather than decreasing it (7%), while a majority (59%) say it will not be a deciding factor in their vote. A majority of liberal Democrats (62%) say they will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports increasing the use of renewable energy, while only 1% say they will only vote for a candidate who supports decreasing it. About four in ten moderate/conservative Democrats say they will only vote for a candidate who supports increasing the use of renewable energy (39%), while few will only vote for a candidate who supports decreasing it (6%). Large majorities of liberal/moderate Republicans and conservative Republicans (both 76%) say a congressional candidate’s position on renewable energy will not be a deciding factor in their vote.

Moreover, more registered voters say they will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports decreasing the use of fossil fuels (25%) rather than increasing it (14%), while a majority (59%) say it will not be a deciding factor in their vote. A majority of liberal Democrats (57%) say they will only vote for a congressional candidate who supports decreasing the use of fossil fuels, while only 2% say they will only vote for a candidate who supports increasing it. About one-quarter of moderate/conservative Democrats say they will only vote for a candidate who supports decreasing the use of fossil fuels (27%), while fewer will only vote for a candidate who supports increasing it (9%). Majorities of liberal/moderate Republicans (72%) and conservative Republicans (65%) say a congressional candidate’s position on fossil fuels will not be a deciding factor in their vote, with three in ten conservative Republicans saying they will only vote for a candidate for Congress who supports increasing the use of fossil fuels (30%).

2. Global Warming and Clean Energy as Government Priorities

2.1 About half of registered voters think global warming should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress.

About half of registered voters (49%) think global warming should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress. This includes large majorities of liberal Democrats (84%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (70%). About one in three liberal/moderate Republicans (36%) think global warming should be a high or very high priority. Few conservative Republicans (11%) think global warming should be a priority.

2.2 Most registered voters think developing sources of clean energy should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress.

More than half of registered voters (58%) think developing sources of clean energy should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress. This includes large majorities of liberal Democrats (90%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (77%) as well as 46% of liberal/moderate Republicans. In contrast, only 22% of conservative Republicans think developing sources of clean energy should be a priority.

3. Support for Climate Policies

3.1 Most registered voters support climate-friendly policies.

Registered voters across the political spectrum “strongly” or “somewhat” support many policies designed to reduce carbon pollution and fossil fuel dependence and promote clean energy, including:

• Providing federal funding to help farmers improve practices to protect and restore the soil so it absorbs and stores more carbon: 88% of registered voters, including 95% of liberal Democrats, 94% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and 85% of both liberal/moderate Republicans and conservative Republicans.
• Funding more research into renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind power: 78% of registered voters, including 98% of liberal Democrats, 95% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 72% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 52% of conservative Republicans.
• Regulating carbon dioxide (the primary greenhouse gas) as a pollutant: 77% of registered voters, including 94% of liberal Democrats, 91% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 73% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 56% of conservative Republicans.
• Transitioning the U.S. economy (including electric utilities, transportation, buildings, and industry) from fossil fuels to 100% clean energy by 2050: 65% of registered voters, including 93% of liberal Democrats, 86% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 55% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 31% of conservative Republicans.

3.2 A large majority of registered voters support generating renewable energy on public land.

A large majority of registered voters (72%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support generating renewable energy (solar and wind) on public land in the United States. This includes large majorities of liberal Democrats (92%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (90%), about two-thirds of liberal/moderate Republicans (65%), and about half of conservative Republicans (48%).

About half of registered voters (53%) support expanding offshore drilling for oil and natural gas off the U.S. coast. This includes large majorities of conservative Republicans (85%) and liberal/moderate Republicans (70%), as well as 46% of moderate/conservative Democrats, but only 18% of liberal Democrats.

Fewer registered voters support other fossil-fuel production in the United States, including:

• Drilling for and mining fossil fuels (coal, oil, and natural gas) on public land in the U.S.: 46% of registered voters, including 77% of conservative Republicans, 62% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 35% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and 14% of liberal Democrats.
• Drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge: 31% of registered voters, including 59% of conservative Republicans, 35% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 23% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and 7% of liberal Democrats.

3.3 A large majority of registered voters oppose policies to eliminate federal climate research and information.

A large majority of registered voters “strongly” or “somewhat” oppose policies to eliminate federal climate research and information, including:

• Ordering all federal agencies (such as NASA, NOAA, and the EPA) to stop doing research on global warming: opposed by 77% of registered voters, including 91% of liberal Democrats, 82% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 79% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 59% of conservative Republicans.
• Ordering all federal agencies (such as NASA, NOAA, and the EPA) to stop providing information about global warming to the public: opposed by 77% of registered voters, including 88% of liberal Democrats, 82% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 70% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 64% of conservative Republicans.

3.4 Nearly all registered voters think FEMA’s funding should be kept the same or increased.

Nearly all registered voters (91%) think funding for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) should either be increased or kept about the same as now. This includes about half (49%) who support increasing funding for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) “a lot” or “some,” and 42% who think FEMA’s funding should be kept “about the same as now.” Majorities of liberal Democrats (81%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (59%) support increasing funding for FEMA, while majorities of liberal/moderate Republicans (58%) and conservative Republicans (63%) think funding should be kept about the same as now.

In contrast, few registered voters (7%) support decreasing FEMA’s funding “a lot” or “some,” including only 1% of liberal Democrats, 8% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 10% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 11% of conservative Republicans.

3.5 A majority of registered voters support protecting people from disproportionate harm from environmental hazards.

A very large majority of registered voters across the political spectrum (92%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support requiring companies to protect workers from dangerous levels of heat. This includes 98% of liberal Democrats, 96% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 90% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 86% of conservative Republicans.

A large, bipartisan majority (78%) also supports strengthening enforcement of industrial pollution limits in low-income communities and communities of color that are disproportionately impacted by air and water pollution. This includes 94% of liberal Democrats, 86% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 78% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 57% of conservative Republicans.

Additionally, 77% of registered voters support preventing utilities from shutting off the electricity or gas of customers who are late paying their bills during periods of extreme cold or heat, including 90% of liberal Democrats, 80% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 75% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 62% of conservative Republicans.

3.6 A majority of registered voters support state and local climate-related policies.

A large majority of registered voters across the political spectrum (89%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support state laws allowing residents to install small plug-in solar panels that directly generate electricity for their home, including 96% of liberal Democrats, 89% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 88% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 84% of conservative Republicans.

Majorities of registered voters also support:

• Requiring electric utilities in their states to produce 100% of their electricity from clean, renewable sources by 2050: 65% of registered voters, including 94% of liberal Democrats, 78% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 63% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 31% of conservative Republicans.
• Allowing states to set higher fuel efficiency standards than the federal government for new cars and trucks: 63% of registered voters, including 89% of liberal Democrats, 73% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 55% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 37% of conservative Republicans.
• Their city, town, or county government declaring global warming a local emergency: 51% of registered voters, including 83% of liberal Democrats, 74% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 35% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 18% of conservative Republicans.
• Their governor declaring global warming a statewide emergency: 51% of registered voters, including 84% of liberal Democrats, 72% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 36% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 16% of conservative Republicans.

3.7 A majority of registered voters support building clean energy infrastructure in their local area.

A majority of registered voters “strongly” or “somewhat” support building solar farms (56%) in their local area and about half support building wind farms (50%), high-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy (50%), and electric vehicle charging stations (49%). These include majorities of liberal Democrats and moderate/conservative Democrats and many liberal/moderate Republicans, but fewer conservative Republicans:

• Solar farms: liberal Democrats, 83%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 68%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 49%; conservative Republicans, 29%.
• Wind farms: liberal Democrats, 80%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 61%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 40%; conservative Republicans, 23%.
• High-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy: liberal Democrats, 63%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 53%; conservative Republicans, 44%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 41%.
• Electric vehicle charging stations: liberal Democrats, 78%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 55%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 42%; conservative Republicans, 25%.

Fewer registered voters support building nuclear power plants (36%), oil and gas pipelines (35%), or large-scale battery facilities for the power grid (30%) in their local area.

3.8 A majority of registered voters support community solar development in their local area.

A majority of registered voters (53%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support community solar development in their local area, while 12% “strongly” or “somewhat” oppose it, and many (35%) neither support nor oppose it. About three-quarters of liberal Democrats (76%) support community solar development in their local area, as do a majority of moderate/conservative Democrats (61%). Many more liberal/moderate Republicans support local community solar development (48%) than oppose it (11%), while conservative Republicans are more evenly split (32% support and 27% oppose).

4. Special Section: Global Warming and the Cost of Living

4.1 Two-thirds of registered voters think global warming is affecting the cost of living in the United States.

Two-thirds of registered voters (67%) think global warming is affecting the cost of living in the United States at least “a little.” Majorities of liberal Democrats (88%), moderate/conservative Democrats (84%), and liberal/moderate Republicans (57%) think so, as do 42% of conservative Republicans.

Similarly, 64% of registered voters think global warming is affecting their own cost of living at least “a little.” This includes majorities of liberal Democrats (86%), moderate/conservative Democrats (81%), and liberal/moderate Republicans (51%), as well as 37% of conservative Republicans.

4.2 Registered voters are most likely to say that their costs of energy, food, transportation, and insurance are being affected by global warming.

Registered voters who said their own cost of living was being affected at least “a little” by global warming (refer to Section 4.1) were then asked which of their costs of living were being affected by global warming (for details, refer to Appendix II, p. 100 and data tables, p. 69).1 Across the political spectrum, energy costs is the most frequent response (25% of registered voters; including 43% of liberal Democrats, 30% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 21% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 10% of conservative Republicans).

Among all registered voters, food is the second most mentioned cost that is increasing because of global warming (13%), followed by transportation (9%), insurance (7%), and utilities (5%). Additionally, 3% of registered voters say the cost of everything is being affected by global warming.

4.3 Majorities of registered voters think global warming is causing the cost they pay for utilities, groceries, owning and operating a vehicle, and home insurance to increase.

After providing top of mind thoughts about what personal costs of living were being affected by global warming (refer to Section 4.2), respondents were then asked whether global warming was causing the cost they pay for various goods and services to increase or decrease, or was not having much effect either way.

Majorities of registered voters think global warming is causing the price they pay for the following to increase:

• Home utility bills: 66% of registered voters, including 86% of liberal Democrats, 76% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 59% liberal/moderate Republicans, and 43% of conservative Republicans.
• Groceries: 61% of registered voters, including 83% of liberal Democrats, 72% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 53% liberal/moderate Republicans, and 34% of conservative Republicans.
• Owning and operating a car/truck: 56% of registered voters, including 73% of liberal Democrats, 65% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 51% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 35% of conservative Republicans.
• Home insurance: 51% of registered voters, including 68% of liberal Democrats, 62% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 40% liberal/moderate Republicans, and 31% of conservative Republicans.

Fewer registered voters think global warming is causing their costs for home repair and maintenance (43%) or health care (35%) to increase.

5. Transitioning from Fossil Fuels to Clean Energy

5.1 Most registered voters think the U.S. should use more renewable energy and less fossil fuels in the future.

A majority of registered voters (68%) say that, in the future, the U.S. should use more renewable energy sources (solar, wind, and geothermal) than it does today, while only 12% say the U.S. should use less. Large majorities of liberal Democrats (94%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (78%) say the U.S. should use more renewable energy sources, as do 63% of liberal/moderate Republicans and 43% of conservative Republicans. In all four of these political groups, more people say the U.S. should use more renewable energy than say it should use less.

A majority of registered voters (56%) also say that, in the future, the U.S. should use less fossil fuels (coal, oil, and natural gas) than it does today, while only 17% say the U.S. should use more. A large majority of liberal Democrats (85%) and about two-thirds of moderate/conservative Democrats (66%) say the U.S. should use less fossil fuels. Many liberal/moderate Republicans say the U.S. should use less fossil fuels (45%), while 17% say it should use more fossil fuels. Finally, 28% of conservative Republicans say the U.S. should use less fossil fuels, which is about the same percentage that say it should use more (29%).

5.2 Registered voters say improving people’s health, reducing air pollution, and providing a better life for our children and grandchildren are “extremely” or “very” important reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy.

Half or more registered voters say the following reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy are “extremely” or “very” important to them personally: improving people’s health (56%), reducing air pollution (56%), providing a better life for our children and grandchildren (56%), reducing water pollution (55%), getting energy from sources that will never run out (53%), reducing energy costs (52%), reducing global warming (51%), making energy costs more stable (51%), saving many plant and animal species from extinction (50%), and increasing America’s energy independence (50%).

Many registered voters also say creating jobs and a stronger economy (48%), protecting the communities most harmed by the use of fossil fuels (46%), reducing the influence of the fossil fuel industry on our government (42%), making the U.S. a global leader in the clean, renewable energy industry (39%), reducing the military costs of protecting our access to foreign sources of energy (38%), and protecting God’s creation (37%) are important reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy.

Overall, majorities of liberal Democrats and moderate/conservative Democrats say that nearly each one of the reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy is “extremely” or “very” personally important, while fewer liberal/moderate Republicans and conservative Republicans say so. The most notable exception is that moderate/conservative Democrats are the one group where about half say that protecting God’s creation is an “extremely” or “very” important reason (53%).

Additionally, about one-third of registered voters (32%) say that this question is not applicable, because they do not support a transition to 100% clean, renewable energy (refer to data tables, pp. 72—66). Those respondents, which included 7% of liberal Democrats, 16% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 45% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 58% of conservative Republicans, were not asked to respond to the questions about the importance of various reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy.

5.3 Reducing global warming and providing a better life for our children and grandchildren are registered voters’ “most important reasons” to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy.

After respondents rated how important each of the 16 reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy is to them (refer to Section 5.2), they were shown the list of reasons they had rated highest and then asked, “Which one of these reasons to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy is most important to you?”1

Using this method, reducing global warming is the highest ranked most important reason to transition to 100% clean, renewable energy, with 13% saying it is their most important reason (refer to data tables, p. 78). Providing a better life for our children and grandchildren was the second most important reason (11%), getting energy from sources that will never run out and protecting God’s creation were the third and fourth most important reasons (both 7%).

Among liberal Democrats, reducing global warming is the #1 most important reason (31%), with providing a better life for our children and grandchildren #2 (15%). Among moderate/conservative Democrats, providing a better life for our children and grandchildren is the #1 most important reason (17%), with reducing global warming #2 (12%). Among liberal/moderate Republicans, protecting God’s creation is the #1 most important reason (11%), with reducing energy costs #2 and reducing global warming #3 (both 7%). Among conservative Republicans, providing a better life for our children and grandchildren is the #1 most important reason, with protecting God’s creation #2 (both 7%). Global warming was the least chosen most important reason among conservative Republicans (1%).

5.4 Most registered voters think policies intended to transition away from fossil fuels and toward clean energy will either make electricity less expensive or have no impact on the price of electricity.

Most registered voters (58%) think policies intended to transition away from fossil fuels and toward clean energy will either make electricity less expensive (33%) or have no impact on the price of electricity (24%), while many think it will make electricity more expensive (41%).

A majority of liberal Democrats (59%) think such policies will make electricity less expensive and 25% think they will have no impact, while only 15% think they will make it more expensive. Similarly, 42% of moderate/conservative Democrats think these policies will make electricity less expensive and 30% think they will have no impact, while 28% think they will make it more expensive. Half of liberal/moderate Republicans (50%) think such policies will make electricity more expensive, while 22% think they will make it less expensive and 26% think they will have no impact. Finally, a majority of conservative Republicans (68%) think such policies will make electricity more expensive, while 13% think they will make it less expensive and 16% think they will have no impact.

6. Special Section: Gas Prices and Electric Vehicles

6.1 Across political lines, a large majority of registered voters are worried about the current price of gasoline.

A large majority of registered voters (78%) say they are “very” or “somewhat” worried about the current price of gasoline.1 This includes 91% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 87% of liberal Democrats, 79% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 60% of conservative Republicans. By contrast, 22% of registered voters say they are either “not very” or “not at all” worried about the current price of gasoline.

6.2 Across political lines, a large majority of registered voters say the current price of gasoline is affecting their family’s budget.

A large majority of registered voters (84%) say the current price of gasoline is affecting their family’s budget either “a lot” (29%), “some” (31%), or “a little” (23%). This includes 92% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 84% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 81% of liberal Democrats, and 79% of conservative Republicans.

6.3 Registered voters say President Trump and his administration are most responsible for increased gas prices.

Participants were also asked the open-ended question “who do you think is most responsible for the recent increases in gas prices?” (For details, refer to Appendix II, p. 101). By a large margin, registered voters are most likely to attribute increased gas prices to President Trump and his administration (42%; for all results, refer to data tables, p. 80). The second most common response did not refer to a specific person or entity, but rather to the war with Iran and closure of the Strait of Hormuz (19%), followed by the Iranian government (9%), and the fossil fuel industry (5%).

President Trump and his administration were identified as most responsible for increasing gas prices by liberal Democrats (72%), moderate/conservative Democrats (62%), and liberal/moderate Republicans (26%). Conservative Republicans were most likely to identify the Iranian government as most responsible (23%).

6.4 One-third of registered voters say they would consider buying or leasing an electric vehicle.

In much of the world, sales of electric vehicles (EVs) are rapidly increasing, One-third of registered voters in the United States (33%) say they are “very” or “somewhat” likely to consider an electric vehicle (EV) the next time they buy or lease a car or truck. This includes a majority of liberal Democrats (63%) and about one third of moderate/conservative Democrats (34%), but fewer liberal/moderate Republicans (19%) and conservative Republicans (14%). Six in registered voters (60%) say they are either “very” or “somewhat” unlikely to consider an EV.

7. Special Section: Data Centers

7.1 A majority of registered voters oppose building data centers in their local area.

A majority of registered voters (58%) oppose building data centers in their local area (while only 15% support doing so; refer to data tables, p. 81). About three-quarters of liberal Democrats oppose building data centers locally (74%) while only 9% support doing so. Half or more of moderate/conservative Democrats (57%) oppose building data centers locally (while 11% support it), as do 53% of conservative Republicans (22% support). Fewer liberal/moderate Republicans (44%) oppose building data centers locally, but only 15% support it, while 42% neither support nor oppose it.

7.2 Across political lines, a majority of registered voters think their electricity bills would increase if a data center opened in their local area.

One potential contributing factor to the opposition to data centers noted in Section 7.1 is that six in ten registered voters (60%) think that if a data center opened in their local area, their electricity bills would increase either “a lot” (40%) or “a little” (19%). This includes two-thirds of liberal Democrats (67%), a majority of conservative Republicans (59%), and about half of moderate/conservative Democrats (56%), and liberal/moderate Republicans (54%). By contrast, only 5% of registered voters think their electricity bills would decrease either “a lot” (1%), or “a little” (4%).

7.3 About three-quarters of registered voters support requiring new data centers to offset their electricity use by installing rooftop solar on, and weatherizing, local homes.

About three-quarters of registered voters (74%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support a proposal requiring new data centers to offset their electricity use by installing rooftop solar on, and weatherizing, local homes. Support crosses political lines, including majorities of liberal Democrats (88%), moderate/conservative Democrats (77%), liberal/moderate Republicans (71%), and conservative Republicans (63%) who support the proposal. By contrast, one quarter of registered voters (25%) either “strongly” or “somewhat” oppose this proposal.

8. Who Should Take Action to Address Global Warming?

8.1 Majorities of registered voters want corporations and industry, government, and citizens to do more to address global warming.

About two-thirds of registered voters say corporations and industry should do either “much more” or “more” to address global warming (66% of registered voters, including 93% of liberal Democrats, 85% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 57% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 35% of conservative Republicans).

Half or more of registered voters, including majorities of both liberal and moderate/conservative Democrats and many liberal/moderate Republicans, say the U.S. Congress (61%), President Trump (61%), the Republican Party (60%), citizens themselves (56%), the Democratic Party (55%), their local government officials (55%), their governor (53%), and the media (51%) should do more. Forty-two percent of registered voters say they themselves should do more to address global warming.

Half of liberal/moderate Republicans (50%) say their party (the Republican Party) should do more to address global warming, while only 22% of conservative Republicans say so. Large majorities of both liberal Democrats (85%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (75%) say their party (the Democratic Party) should do more.

8.2 A majority of registered voters support making fossil fuel companies pay for a portion of the damages to local communities caused by global warming.

About six in ten registered voters (59%) “strongly” or “somewhat” support making fossil fuel companies pay for a portion of the damage to local communities caused by global warming. This includes large majorities of liberal Democrats (89%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (72%), about half of liberal/moderate Republicans (52%), and one-quarter of conservative Republicans (25%).

9. Political Advocacy

9.1 Three in ten registered voters are participating in, or willing to join, a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming.

Three in ten registered voters (30%) say they are either “definitely” (10%) or “probably” (19%) willing to join a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming or participating in a campaign like this now (2%; refer to data tables, p. 86). This includes 66% of liberal Democrats (5% “participating now,” 21% “definitely would,” 41% “probably would”), 33% of moderate/conservative Democrats (2% “now,” 11% “definitely,” 20% “probably”), 17% of liberal/moderate Republicans (none “now,” 5% “definitely,” 12% “probably”), and 7% of conservative Republicans (1% “now,” 2% “definitely,” and 4% “probably”).

9.2 Many registered voters are willing to take political actions to reduce global warming if asked.

About half of registered voters (51%) say they “definitely” or “probably” would sign a petition about global warming if someone they like and respect asked them to, including majorities of liberal Democrats (84%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (72%), but fewer liberal/moderate Republicans (36%) and conservative Republicans (16%). Additionally, many registered voters would attend a neighborhood meeting to discuss global warming and actions people can take (38%), attend a local government meeting related to global warming (34%), donate money to an organization working on global warming (33%), volunteer their time to an organization working on global warming (31%), write letters, email, or phone government officials about global warming (31%), or meet with an elected official or their staff about global warming (29%).

Additionally, 28% of registered voters would support an organization engaging in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse, and 18% (including 36% of liberal Democrats and 22% of moderate/conservative Democrats) would personally engage in such non-violent civil disobedience.

9.3 Relatively few registered voters would be willing to get arrested as part of a non-violent civil disobedience action.

As noted in section 9.2, 18% of registered voters say they would personally engage in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse. One in 20 registered voters (5%) say additionally that they would be willing to get arrested as part of such an action (2% “definitely would,” 3% “probably would”; refer to data tables, p. 89). This includes 8% of liberal Democrats, 5% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 2% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 1% of conservative Republicans.

According to the most recent data available from the U.S. Census Bureau, there are approximately 174 million registered voters in the United States. Given that 2% say they “definitely would” get arrested as part of a non-violent action against activities that make global warming worse, and an additional 3% “probably would,” it suggests that approximately 3.4 million to 8.7 million registered voters may be willing to do so.

9.4 One in ten registered voters have urged elected officials to reduce global warming.

One in ten registered voters (10%) have contacted government officials to urge them to take action to reduce global warming at least once over the past 12 months. This includes 23% of liberal Democrats, 11% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 2% of conservative Republicans, and 1% of liberal/moderate Republicans.

10. Efficacy

10.1 Many registered voters are confident they can affect what the government and corporations do about global warming.

Perceived collective efficacy regarding global warming – the belief that like-minded citizens can work together to influence what government and business leaders do about global warming – is an important motivator for individuals to take collective action.1 Forty-six percent of registered voters are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what their local government does about global warming, and 44% are at least “moderately confident” they can affect what their state government does. Fewer registered voters are confident they can affect what the federal government (37%) and corporations (36%) do about global warming.

Collective efficacy regarding global warming is highest among liberal Democrats (70% are at least “moderately” confident they can affect what their local government does about global warming), followed by moderate/conservative Democrats, and liberal/moderate Republicans. Conservative Republicans express the lowest collective efficacy, although that may in part be because they are less likely to support action on global warming overall.

10.2 Many registered voters are confident that state and local government policies can help limit global warming.

Many registered voters (45%) are at least “moderately” confident that state and local government policies can help limit global warming. Approximately two-thirds of liberal Democrats (66%), half of moderate/conservative Democrats (53%), one-third of liberal/moderate Republicans (34%), and one-quarter of conservative Republicans (27%) are confident that state and local government action can limit global warming.

11. Information About Global Warming

11.1 Registered voters trust family & friends, climate scientists, their primary care doctor, and TV weather reporters most as sources of information about global warming.

A majority of registered voters “strongly” or “somewhat” trust climate scientists (71%), family and friends (69%), their primary care doctor (65%), television weather reporters (63%), and local news organizations (54%) as sources of information about global warming. Fewer trust national news organizations (46%), artificial intelligence (AI) chatbots (24%), or social media posts (18%).

Of the people and institutions we included, each political ideology group expresses the most trust in the same four people/institutions, although in somewhat different orders. Liberal Democrats trust climate scientists the most (93%), followed by TV weather reporters (87%), family and friends (84%), and their primary care doctor (79%). Moderate/conservative Democrats also trust climate scientists the most (89%), followed by TV weather reporters (82%), family and friends (77%), and their primary care doctor (76%). Liberal/moderate Republicans trust climate scientists the most as well (64%), followed by family and friends (59%), their primary care doctor (55%), and TV weather reporters (47%). Conservative Republicans trust family and friends the most (55%), followed by their primary care doctor (49%), climate scientists (44%), and TV weather reporters (36%).

11.2 About half of registered voters are interested in news stories about topics related to global warming.

A majority of registered voters are at least “moderately” interested in news stories about issues related to global warming, including how global warming is affecting the cost of living (56%), actions being taken that make global warming worse (54%), actions that are being taken by businesses in response to global warming (53%), and actions being taken by the U.S. government in response to global warming (53%).

About half of registered voters are interested in news stories about the impacts of global warming on their local community (51%), actions being taken in their local community in response to global warming (50%), the impacts of global warming around the world (50%), actions being taken by foreign governments in response to global warming (49%), the impacts of global warming elsewhere in the U.S. (49%), the causes of global warming (49%), and actions being taken to oppose solutions to global warming (48%). Fewer registered voters are interested in news stories about whether global warming is or is not happening (38%), at least in part because those who already think global warming is happening are, understandably, less likely to express interest in them.

Liberal Democrats are generally the most interested in news stories about each topic, followed by moderate/conservative Democrats, and liberal/moderate Republicans. Only about one-quarter or fewer conservative Republicans are interested in such news stories. Moderate/conservative Democrats are the group most interested in news stories about whether global warming is or is not happening (58%).

Appendix I: Data Tables

Data Tables can be found beginning on p. 56 of the PDF version of the report:

climate-change-american-mind-politics-policy-spring-2026

Appendix II: Survey Method

The data in this report are based on a nationally representative survey of 1,060 American adults, aged 18 and older. Results are reported for the subset of 930 registered voters who participated in the survey. The survey was conducted April 17-26, 2026. All questionnaires were self-administered by respondents in a web-based environment. The median completion time for the survey was 23 minutes.

The sample was drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel®, an online panel of members drawn using probability sampling methods. Prospective members are recruited using a combination of random digit dial and address-based sampling techniques that cover virtually all (non-institutional) residential phone numbers and addresses in the United States. Those contacted who would choose to join the panel but do not have access to the Internet are loaned computers and given Internet access so they may participate.

The sample therefore includes a representative cross-section of American adults—irrespective of whether they have Internet access, use only a cell phone, etc. The sample was weighted, post survey, to match key US Census Bureau demographic norms.

From November 2008 to December 2018, no KnowledgePanel® member participated in more than one Climate Change in the American Mind (CCAM) survey. Beginning with the April 2019 survey, panel members who have participated in CCAM surveys in the past, excluding the most recent two surveys, may be randomly selected for participation. In the current survey, 298 respondents, 272 of whom are registered voters included in this report, participated in a previous CCAM survey.

The survey instrument was designed by Anthony Leiserowitz, Seth Rosenthal, Jennifer Carman, Marija Verner, Emily Richards, Matthew Goldberg, and Jennifer Marlon of Yale University, and John Kotcher, Edward Maibach, Teresa Myers, Joshua Ettinger, and Julia Fine of George Mason University. The codes for the open-ended questions were developed by Joshua Ettinger and Teresa Myers, who also coded the responses. The figures and tables were constructed by Emily Goddard of Yale University.

Margins of error

All samples are subject to some degree of sampling error—that is, statistical results obtained from a sample can be expected to differ somewhat from results that would be obtained if every member of the target population was interviewed. Average margins of error, at the 95% confidence level, are as follows:

• All Registered Voters (n = 930): Plus or minus 3 percentage points.
• Democrats (total; n = 415): Plus or minus 5 percentage points.
• Liberal Democrats (n = 229): Plus or minus 7 percentage points.
• Moderate/conservative Democrats (n = 183): Plus or minus 7 percentage points.
• Republicans (total; n = 397): Plus or minus 5 percentage points.
• Liberal/moderate Republicans (n = 123): Plus or minus 9 percentage points.
• Conservative Republicans (n = 274): Plus or minus 6 percentage points.

Rounding error and tabulation

In data tables, bases specified are unweighted, while percentages are weighted to match national population parameters.

For tabulation purposes, percentage points are rounded to the nearest whole number. As a result, percentages in a given chart may total slightly higher or lower than 100%. Summed response categories (e.g., “strongly support” + “somewhat support”) are rounded after sums are calculated. For example, in some cases, the sum of 25% + 25% might be reported as 51% (e.g., 25.3% + 25.3% = 50.6%, which, after rounding, would be reported as 25% + 25% = 51%).

Coding open-ended responses

Two of the report’s authors (Joshua Ettinger and Teresa Myers) reviewed the open-ended responses and developed separate lists of codes for each question (refer to Sections 4.2 and 6.3). They then independently coded every response for the presence or absence of each code (0=absent; 1=present) and resolved any differences through discussion. Each response could be assigned multiple codes. Definitions of the codes are provided below with verbatim examples.

Section 4.2

Costs/prices (unspecified) — Any reference to costs or prices without further specification. Examples include: “Bills,” “Living cost,” and “General cost of daily living.”

Costs are not increasing — Any response that states that costs are not increasing. Examples include: “None” and “not a lot.”

Energy costs — Any reference to energy costs such as gas bills, electricity bills, or costs associated with home cooling or heating. Examples include: “Home energy costs,” “Heating and cooling,” and “By making me having to use my air conditioner more in the summer due to the scorching heat. By making me have to turn up my heat in the winter due to the fierce cold.”

Everything — Any response that states that all costs are increasing. Examples include: “Everything” and “AC, Electric, Water, insurances, Food, Travel, just about everything.”

Food — Any reference to costs associated with food or groceries. Examples include: “Price of food, water and gas,” “Utilities, Homeowners Insurance, Groceries,” “Electricity, heating, cooling, cost of groceries.”

Healthcare — Any reference to healthcare costs. Examples include: “Health” and “My wife health.”

Home maintenance — Any reference to costs associated with home maintenance such as repairs or weatherproofing. Examples include: “Heating and cooling, food costs, air quality, yard care, gardening.,” “Mitigation to our home for flooding due the increased amount of storms and rain in our area. The need for air conditioning because it’s getting hotter.”

Home prices/rent — Any reference to the cost of purchasing or renting a home. Examples include: “I live in an area with wildfires. We have a freaking fire season. Housing is the easiest answer.” and “Rent.”

Insurance — Any reference to insurance-related costs. Examples include: “Car insurance,” “Inflation, gas prices, insurance prices (significantly),” and “homeowners insurance, electricity costs.”

Miscellaneous/unclear response — Any responses that deal with miscellaneous other topics that do not fit into the other codes or responses that were too unclear for coding. Examples include: “Anything that new laws or regulations have caused to rise in price,” “Economic impact,” “Scarcity of certain products due to global warming.”

Participant is unsure — Any response that indicates the participant is unsure which costs are rising. Examples include: “Food(?),” “don’t know,” and “Not sure.”

Taxes — Any reference to taxes. Examples include: “Government taxes collected that have no demonstrated effect locally or globally,” “electric, federal taxes,” and “Taxes.”

Transportation — Any reference to costs associated with transportation, including gas prices and travel. Examples include: “The price of gas,” “Groceries, Electricity, Transportation,” and “Travel & food.”

Utilities (unspecified)  — Any reference to utilities without further specification. Examples include: “utilities” and “Cost of groceries, water for my home, utility costs in general.”

Water— Any reference to water-related costs. Examples include: “Electricity, heating gas, gas, water bills,” “water and electricity for the biggest concerning,” “Water bill and energy bill.”

Section 6.3

Democrats — Any reference to Democratic politicians, the Democratic party, or Democrats without further specification. Examples include: “Democrats and Gavin Newsome specifically,” “Republicans Negligence and Democrats policies,” and “democrats.”

Everyone — Any response that states that everyone is at fault for rising gas prices. Examples include: “everyone,” “All of us,” and “humans.”

Fossil fuel industry/interests — Any reference to fossil fuel companies, the fossil fuel industry, or related interests such as investors. Examples include: “Oil companies price gouging,” “The suppliers of the gas to our country,” and “oil and gas industry.”

Geopolitics/world affairs — Any reference to geopolitical events without specification of the War in Iran or other specific events. Examples include: “Uncertainty in the mideast,” “Geopolitics,” and “Everyone says it’s about what’s happening overseas.”

Global trade/markets/economy — Any reference to global trade, markets, or economies without further specification. Examples include: “Stock price,” “Wall Street,” and “Consumer demand.”

Governments, global leaders, politicians (unspecified) — Any reference to governments or politicians in general without further specification. Examples include: “Government.,” “Governments,” and “Our political leaders.”

Greed/profit-seeking — Any reference to greed or profit-seeking. Examples include: “Greed,” “Profitteers,” and “Corporate greed.”

Iran/Iranian government — Any reference to Iran, its government, or political leaders. Examples include: “Iran,” “Iranian leaders.,” and “The Iranian government.”

Israel/Israeli government — Any reference to Israel or its government. Examples include: “Look like WAR situation is main reason, and Israel is responsible if not America,” “The US and Israel bombing Iran, causing them to close the Strait of Hormuz.,” and “Iran, Israel and Trump.”

Miscellaneous/unclear response — Any responses that deal with miscellaneous other topics that do not fit into the other codes or responses that were too unclear for coding. Examples include: “Nothing. Gas prices are fine. IRAN needed destroyed.,” “Not fair,” and “Taxes.”

No one — Any response that states that no one is at fault for rising gas prices. Examples include: “Nobody” and “no one.”

Overdependence on foreign oil — Any reference to overdependence on foreign oil. Examples include: “The stupid Gas and oil companies not prioritizing Buying and selling American” and “Biden administration closing pipeline. We need to produce our own gas.”

Participant is unsure — Any response that indicates the participant is unsure why gas prices are rising. Examples include: “I don’t know” and “Who the heck knows.”

President Biden and administration — Any reference to President Biden or his administration. Examples include: “Biden” and “Biden Admin.”

President Trump and administration  — Any reference to President Trump or his administration. Examples include: “Donald Trump,” “President Trump,” and “Trump and his actions.”

Republicans — Any reference to Republican politicians, the Republican party, or Republicans without further specification. Examples include: “The president and republicans,” “Democrats and Republicans,” and “Republicans.”

State and local governments/governors — Any reference to state or local governments or governors. Examples include: “Governor of OREGON,” “Govenor Newsome,” and “Gavin Newsom”

United States/United States government — Any reference to the U.S. or the U.S. government, including Congress. Examples include: “Our president and government” and “Iran and US.”

War with Iran/Strait of Hormuz — Any reference to the Iran War or conflict in the Strait of Hormuz. Examples include: “Trump and the Iran war,” “Iran war,” and “All the tumult in the Middle East, closure of Strait of Hormuz, speculation about all of it.”

Appendix III: Sample Demographics

Sample demographics can be found on pp. 102-103 of the PDF version of the report:

climate-change-american-mind-politics-policy-spring-2026